1. “working class, n. and adj.,” Oxford English Dictionary (online) (accessed January 31, 2019).
2. Regarding the complexity and fluidity lying beneath the label “working class,” see, for example, Laura Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice: Two Chicano Struggles in the Southwest (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996), 34–40.
3. “environment, n.,” Oxford English Dictionary (online); and “environmentalism, n.,” Oxford English Dictionary (online), both terms accessed January 31, 2019. The New York Times Index confirms the rough timing of the appearance of “environmentalism.”
4. Aldo Leopold, “Thinking Like a Mountain,” in Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949), 129–133.
5. Edward Palmer Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Pantheon Books, 1964).
6. “History: Urban and Rural Areas,” United States Census Bureau, accessed June 29, 2018. California agriculture was precocious in developing very large, corporate-owned landholdings. Scholars such as Donald Worster and Patricia Limerick have identified cowboys as an early proletarianized rural labor force.
7. Mart A. Stewart, “Slavery and African American Environmentalism,” in “To Love the Wind and the Rain”: African Americans and Environmental History, ed. Dianne D. Glave and Mark Stoll (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006), 9–17; and Scott Giltner, “Slave Hunting and Fishing in the Antebellum South,” in “To Love the Wind and the Rain”: African Americans and Environmental History, ed. Dianne D. Glave and Mark Stoll (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006), 21–36.
8. Stewart, “Slavery,” 17–18.
9. Chad Montrie, Making a Living: Work and Nature in the United States (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 13–34; and also available in Chad Montrie, “‘I Think Less of the Factory than of My Native Dell’: Labor, Nature, and the Lowell ‘Mill Girls’,” Environmental History 9, no. 2 (April 2004): 275–295. Far from mere sentimentalism, the factory workers’ writings also helped support and justify early labor agitation.
10. Michael Rawson, “The Nature of Water: Reform and the Antebellum Crusade for Municipal Water in Boston,” Environmental History 9, no. 3 (July 2004): 411–435.
11. See, for example, Christopher C. Sellers, Hazards of the Job: From Industrial Disease to Environmental Health Science (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 22–23.
12. See, for example, Angela Gugliotta, “Class, Gender, and Coal Smoke: Gender Ideology and Environmental Injustice in Pittsburgh, 1868–1914,” Environmental History 5, no. 2 (April 2000): 167–199.
13. See, for example, Sarah Lynn Cunningham, “From Smoke-Filled Skies to Smoke-Filled Rooms: Louisville’s Political Battles Over the ‘Smoke Evil’,” Ohio Valley History 8, no. 1 (Spring 2008): 43–71.
14. See, for example, Karl Jacoby, Crimes against Nature: Squatters, Poachers, Thieves, and the Hidden History of American Conservation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001); Louis S. Warren, The Hunter’s Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997); and Karl Jacoby, “Class and Environmental History: Lessons from ‘The War in the Adirondacks’,” Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324–342. Scholars such as Jacoby and Warren, however, note that such hunters often observed traditional local community standards regarding appropriate limits on taking of game.
15. Matthew G. McKenzie, Clearing the Coastline: The Nineteenth-Century Ecological and Cultural Transformation of Cape Cod (Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 2010), 106–107; Brian J. Payne, Fishing a Borderless Sea: Environmental Territorialism in the North Atlantic, 1818–1910 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2010), 128–129; Brian Payne, “Local Economic Stewards: The Historiography of the Fishermen’s Role in Resource Conservation,” Environmental History 18, no. 1 (January 2013): 29–43; and Richard W. Judd, “Grass-Roots Conservation in Eastern Coastal Maine: Monopoly and the Moral Economy of Weir Fishing, 1893–1911,” Environmental History Review 12, no. 2 (June 1988): 81–103.
16. See generally Richard Judd, Common Lands, Common People: The Origins of Conservation in New England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).
17. Roy Rosenzweig, “Middle-Class Parks and Working-Class Play: The Struggle over Recreational Space in Worcester, Massachusetts, 1870–1910,” Radical History Review 1979, no. 21 (1979): 31–46; and Roy Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870–1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 127–151. Regarding slightly later working-class and immigrant enjoyment of parks and outdoor recreation in Chicago, see Colin Fisher, Urban Green: Nature, Recreation, and the Working Class in Industrial Chicago (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015), 64–88.
18. William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), xvi.
19. See, for example, Robert D. Grinder, “The Battle for Clean Air: The Smoke Problem in America, 1880–1917,” in Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870–1930, ed. Martin V. Melosi (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1980), 83–103.
20. See, for example, David Stradling, “Dirty Work and Clean Air: Locomotive Firemen, Environmental Activism, and Stories of Conflict,” Journal of Urban History 28 (2001): 38.
21. Gugliotta, “Class, Gender, and Coal Smoke,” 171–175; and Stradling, “Dirty Work and Clean Air,” 41.
22. Michael B. Smith, “‘The Ego Ideal of the Good Camper’ and the Nature of Summer Camp,” Environmental History 11, no. 1 (January 2006): 70–101; Ben Jordan, “‘Conservation of Boyhood’: Boy Scouting’s Modest Manliness and Natural Resource Conservation, 1910–1930,” Environmental History 15, no. 4 (October 2010): 612–642; and see also generally Benjamin René Jordan, Modern Manhood and the Boy Scouts of America: Citizenship, Race, and the Environment, 1910–1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016).
23. Jordan, Modern Manhood, 155–177; Jordan, “Conservation of Boyhood,” 624–625; and Leslie Hahner, “Practical Patriotism: Camp Fire Girls, Girl Scouts, and Americanization,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 5, no. 2 (June 2008): 113–134.
24. Smith, “The Ego Ideal,” 77; and Leslie Paris, “The Adventures of Peanut and Bo: Summer Camps and Early-Twentieth-Century American Girlhood,” Journal of Women’s History 12, no. 4 (2001): 48.
25. Paris, “The Adventures of Peanut and Bo,” 47–76; Hahner, “Practical Patriotism,” 113–134; and Laureen Tedesco, “Progressive Era Girl Scouts and the Immigrant: Scouting for Girls (1920) as a Handbook for American Girlhood,” Children’s Literature Association Quarterly 31, no. 4 (2006): 346–368.
26. Dina Kraft, “An Immigrant’s Tale: How Jewish Summer Camp Became such a Quintessential Rite of Passage for American Jews,” Ha’aretz, August 15, 2017; Dina Kraft, “Canoes, Campfires, Yiddish, and Communist Roots,” Ha’aretz, August 13, 2012; Nancy Mykoff, “Summer Camping in the United States,” Jewish Women’s Archive Encyclopedia; and Fisher, Urban Green, 130–131, 136–137. See also Paul C. Mishler, Raising Reds: The Young Pioneers, Radical Summer Camps, and Communist Political Culture in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999). Mishler addresses radical organizing and education but hardly mentions conservation, nature, or the outdoors.
27. Lawrence M. Lipin, Workers and the Wild: Conservation, Consumerism, and Labor in Oregon, 1910–1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007), 85–152.
28. Robert Chiles, “Working-Class Conservationism in New York: Governor Alfred E. Smith and ‘The Property of the People of the State’,” Environmental History 18, no. 1 (January 2013): 157–183.
29. Fisher, Urban Green, 38–63.
30. Fisher, Urban Green, 89–113; see also generally Brian McCammack, “Recovering Green in Bronzeville: An Environmental and Cultural History of the African American Great Migration to Chicago, 1915–1940” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2012); and Terence Young, “‘A Contradiction in Democratic Government’: W. J. Trent, Jr., and the Struggle to Desegregate National Park Campgrounds,” Environmental History 14, no. 4 (2009): 651–682.
31. Jordan, Modern Manhood, 194–213.
32. Nancy Quam-Wickham, “‘Cities Sacrificed on the Altar of Oil’: Popular Opposition to Oil Development in 1920s Los Angeles,” Environmental History 3, no. 2 (April 1998): 189–209.
33. Claudia Clark, Radium Girls: Women and Industrial Health Reform, 1910–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997).
34. Gerald E. Markowitz and David Rosner, Deceit and Denial: The Deadly Politics of Industrial Pollution (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), 17–25.
35. See, for example, Josiah Rector, “Environmental Justice at Work: The UAW, the War on Cancer, and the Right to Equal Protection from Toxic Hazards in Postwar America,” Journal of American History 101, no. 2 (September 2014): 484–485.
36. Neil M. Maher, Nature’s New Deal: The Civilian Conservation Corps and the Roots of the American Environmental Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 17–41; and Jordan, “Conservation of Boyhood,” 614, 627. Both Franklin Roosevelt and his older cousin Theodore Roosevelt were avid supporters of the Boy Scouts and of conservation projects. Robert Fechner, director of the CCC from 1933–1939, was a former vice president of the International Association of Machinists. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt also successfully petitioned for the creation of a much smaller CCC division for women.
37. Maher, Nature’s New Deal, 106–113.
38. Neil M. Maher, “A New Deal Body Politic: Landscape, Labor, and the Civilian Conservation Corps,” Environmental History 7, no. 3 (July 2002): 448 and generally.
39. Maher, Nature’s New Deal, 109, 112–113.
40. Maher, “A New Deal Body Politic,” 446; Olen Cole Jr., “African-American Youth in the Program of the Civilian Conservation Corps in California, 1933–42: An Ambivalent Legacy,” Forest and Conservation History 35, no. 3 (July 1991): 121–127; and Calvin W. Gower, “The Struggle of Blacks for Leadership Positions in the Civilian Conservation Corps: 1933–1942,” Journal of Negro History 61, no. 2 (April 1976): 123–135.
41. Erik Loomis, “When Loggers Were Green: Lumber, Labor, and Conservation, 1937–1948,” Western Historical Quarterly 46, no. 4 (2015): 421–441. See also Erik Loomis, Empire of Timber: Labor Unions and the Pacific Northwest Forests (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016); and Lipin, Workers and the Wild, regarding the earlier roots of this striking development.
42. Rector, “Environmental Justice at Work,” 483, 485–486; and regarding similar concentration of black workers in blast furnaces and co*ke plants within steel mills, see also Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945–1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 24–25.
43. David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, Deadly Dust: Silicosis and the Politics of Occupational Disease in Twentieth Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 145–150.
44. Montrie, Making a Living, 95–102.
45. Montrie, Making a Living, 92, 103.
46. Lisa M. Fine, “Workers and the Land in US History: Pointe Mouillée and the Downriver Detroit Working Class in the Twentieth Century,” Labor History 53, no. 3 (August 2012): 409–434.
47. Montrie, Making a Living, 103–106; and Scott Dewey, “Working for the Environment: Organized Labor and the Origins of Environmentalism in the United States, 1948–1970,” Environmental History 3 (1998): 50–51.
48. Rector, “Environmental Justice at Work,” 487–488. See also Brandon Michael Ward, “Detroit Wild: Race, Labor, and Postwar Urban Environmentalism” (PhD diss., Purdue University, 2014), 16–18, 57–59, 67–79, and generally (discussing UAW health policies and a postwar UAW-sponsored radio program warning about occupational health risks).
49. Lynne Page Snyder, “‘The Death-Dealing Smog over Donora, Pennsylvania’: Industrial Air Pollution, Public Health Policy, and the Politics of Expertise, 1948–1949,” Environmental History Review 18, no. 1 (1994): 117–139; and see also Lynne P. Snyder, “The Death-Dealing Smog over Donora, Pennsylvania”: Industrial Air Pollution, Public Health, and Federal Policy, 1915–1963 (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1994). Andrew Hurley, however, describes relatively lackluster environmental concern by USWA’s upper leadership through the 1970s. See Hurley, Environmental Inequalities, 77–98.
50. Jacquelyn Southern, “Changing Nature: Union Discourse and the Fermi Atomic Power Plant,” International Labor and Working-Class History 85 (2014): 33–58; and see also, generally, John G. Fuller, We Almost Lost Detroit (New York: Reader’s Digest Press, 1975).
51. Scott Hamilton Dewey, Don’t Breathe the Air: Air Pollution and U.S. Environmental Politics, 1945–1970 (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2000), 185, 188; and Scott H. Dewey, “The Fickle Finger of Phosphate: Central Florida Air Pollution and the Failure of Environmental Policy, 1957–1970,” Journal of Southern History 65, no. 3 (August 1999): 585.
52. Laurie Mercier, Anaconda: Labor, Community, and Culture in Montana’s Smelter City (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 106–108, 193.
53. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 47–48, 49.
54. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 48–50.
55. Dewey, Don’t Breathe the Air, 234; and Scott Hamilton Dewey, “‘Is This What We Came to Florida For?’: Florida Women and the Fight against Air Pollution in the 1960s,” Florida Historical Quarterly 77, no. 4 (Spring 1999): 522–526. Belcher and her neighbors of course represent only one striking example of a wider pattern likely occurring in many localities during the 1960s. Notably, Jacksonville, like other southern cities, remained segregated when Belcher organized her delegation.
56. See generally Ward, “Detroit Wild.”
57. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 51–52; Montrie, Making a Living, 107–108; and Chad Montrie, A People’s History of Environmentalism in the United States (New York: Continuum, 2011), 97–98. Notably, Reuther was an avid sport fisherman.
58. That the new division was named the “Department of Conservation,” not of environment, suggests that in the mid-1960s, “conservation” still vied with “environment/alism” as the primary label for postwar environmental reforms.
59. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 52–53, 56–58; and Montrie, Making a Living, 107–108.
60. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 53; and see also, generally, Les Leopold, The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green, 2007).
61. Robert Gordon, “‘Shell No!’: OCAW and the Labor-Environmental Alliance,” Environmental History 3, no. 4 (October 1998): 460–487.
62. Robert Gordon, “Poisons in the Fields: The United Farm Workers, Pesticides, and Environmental Politics,” Pacific Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1999): 51–77; Laura Pulido and Devon Peña, “Environmentalism and Positionality: The Early Pesticide Campaign of the United Farm Workers’ Organizing Committee, 1965–71,” Race, Gender and Class 6, no. 1 (1998): 33–50; Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice, 57–124; and Montrie, Making a Living, 113–128. See also, generally, Adam Tompkins, Ghostworkers and Greens: The Cooperative Campaigns of Farmworkers and Environmentalists for Pesticide Reform (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2016). Chad Montrie notes that the labor contracts the UFW won provided more protection from pesticides to workers, and indirectly to consumers, than any existing federal or state law required.
63. Chad Montrie, “Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945–1975,” Environmental History 5, no. 1 (January 2000): 75–98; and Montrie, A People’s History, 129–137. See also, generally, Chad Montrie, To Save the Land and People: A History of Opposition to Surface Coal Mining in Appalachia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003); and Jinny A. Turman, “Green Civic Republicanism and Environmental Action against Surface Mining in Lincoln County, West Virginia, 1974–1990,” Journal of Southern History 82, no. 4 (2016): 855–900. As noted, dissident UMW members also fought an uphill struggle against the coal industry and corrupt union leaders to gain federal legislation and regulation of black lung disease during the 1960s and 1970s; the Coal Miners Health and Safety Act of 1969 became the model for the broader federal Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 (OSHA).
64. Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 54–56. See also Alan Derickson, “Surviving a ‘Carcinogen Rich Environment’: Steelworkers’ Democratic Intrusion into the Regulation of co*ke-Oven Emissions,” Journal of Policy History 27, no. 4 (October 2015): 561–591; and Hurley, Environmental Inequalities, 90–110.
65. John C. Esposito and Larry J. Silverman, Vanishing Air: The Ralph Nader Study Group Report on Air Pollution (New York: Grossman, 1970), 219–222.
66. Scott H. Dewey, “Part Cause, Part Cure: The Changing Relationship between Aviation and Air Pollution in the United States, 1927–1973,” in 1998 National Aerospace Conference: The Meaning of Flight in the 20th Century, Conference Proceedings, October 1–3, 1998, Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio (Dayton: Wright State University, 1999), 345.
67. Hurley, Environmental Inequalities, 126–135.
68. William D. Bryan, “Poverty, Industry, and Environmental Quality: Weighing Paths to Economic Development at the Dawn of the Environmental Era,” Environmental History 16, no. 3 (July 2011): 506.
69. Matthew Gandy, “Between Borinquen and the Barrio: Environmental Justice and New York City’s Puerto Rican Community, 1969–1972,” Antipode 34, no. 4 (2002): 730–761.
70. Rector, “Environmental Justice at Work,” 490–491.
71. Richard Kazis and Richard L. Grossman, Fear at Work: Job Blackmail, Labor and the Environment (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1991), ix–xxvii, 3–16; Robert R. Gioielli, Environmental Activism and the Urban Crisis: Baltimore, St. Louis, Chicago (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2014), 167–171; Allen Dieterich-Ward, “‘We’ve Got Jobs. Let’s Fight for Them’: Coal, Clean Air, and the Politics of Antienvironmentalism,” Ohio Valley History 17, no. 1 (2017): 6–28; Joshua Ashenmiller, “The Alaska Pipeline as an Internal Improvement, 1969–1973,” Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 3 (2006): 461–490; Dewey, “Working for the Environment,” 45, 58–59; and Dewey, Don’t Breathe the Air, 251–253. Regarding the resurgence of conservatism in the 1970s generally, see Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 74–115. As an ironic example of workers’ turn away from environmentalism, the Anaconda, Montana mine and smelter workers who stood up to corporate management on pollution during the 1950s and 1960s by the 1980s were demanding that environmental standards be reduced and the local smelter be forced to remain in operation, as the smelter operations closed down and relocated for primarily non-environmental reasons. See Mercier, Anaconda, 198–202.
72. Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 139–142. The 1970 statement regarding Nader by Douglas Moore of the Washington Black United Front appears in Marcy Darnovsky, “Stories Less Told: Histories of US Environmentalism,” Socialist Review 22, no. 4 (October–December 1992): 38 (“[Ralph Nader is] the biggest damn racist in the United States . . . more responsible than any man for perverting the war on poverty to the war on pollution”).
73. Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, DC and Covelo, CA: Island Press, 1993), 134–136. One need only look through old editions of Environmental Action from the 1970s and early 1980s to find ample evidence of the group’s commitment to occupational safety and health and to working-class and inner-city communities, as well as working-class activism on related issues.
74. Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 141–143.
75. Michael F. Hearn, “One Person’s Waste Is Another Person’s Liability: Closing the Liability Loophole in RCRA’s Citizen Enforcement Action,” McGeorge Law Review 42, no. 2 (2011): 467–471; John Copeland Nagle, “CERCLA’s Mistakes,” William and Mary Law Review 38, no. 4 (May 1997): 1405–1410; and Gary A. Gabison, “The Problems with the Private Enforcement of CERCLA: An Empirical Analysis,” George Washington Journal of Energy and Environmental Law 7, no. 3 (Fall 2016): 189–204.
76. Elizabeth D. Blum, Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2011); and Jennifer Thomson, “Toxic Residents: Health and Citizenship at Love Canal,” Journal of Social History 50, no. 1 (September 2016): 204–223.
77. Eileen McGurty, Transforming Environmentalism: Warren County, PCBs, and the Origins of Environmental Justice (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2009).
78. The literature on environmental justice is voluminous, but see, for example, Robert D. Bullard, ed., The Quest for Environmental Justice: Human Rights and the Politics of Pollution (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2005); Daniel J. Faber, ed., The Struggle for Ecological Democracy: Environmental Justice Movements in the United States (New York: Guilford, 1998); Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice; Ellen Griffith Spears, Baptized in PCBs: Race, Pollution, and Justice in an All-American Town (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014); Barbara Allen, Uneasy Alchemy: Citizens and Experts in Louisiana’s Chemical Corridor Disputes (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003); Steve Lerner, Diamond: A Struggle for Environmental Justice in Louisiana’s Chemical Corridor (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005); and Martin V. Melosi, “Equity, Eco-Racism and Environmental History,” Environmental History Review 19, no. 3 (1995): 1–16. Love Canal and Warren County were only two salient examples of a nationwide phenomenon of working-class communities confronting pollution and toxic threats. Also notable is Hazel Johnson, remembered for her research and activism regarding community health impacts from elevated pollution levels in her African American neighborhood on the South Side of Chicago from the 1970s onward. See David Naguib Pellow, Garbage Wars: The Struggle for Environmental Justice in Chicago (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004), 67–76; and see also Nancy C. Unger, Beyond Nature’s Housekeepers: American Women in Environmental History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 187–213. Another dramatic, tragic example of working-class environmentalism involving workplace health and people of color concerns the Navajo uranium miners and mill workers, who suffered greatly elevated rates of lung cancer from working with dangerous radioactive substances without proper ventilation during the decades after World War II. See Traci Brynne Voyles, Wastelanding: Legacies of Uranium Mining in Navajo Country (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015).
79. See, for example, Dewey, Don’t Breathe the Air, 156. In various cities, air pollution activists would mount a reform campaign, then run out of steam and go moribund, then be followed around a decade later by a new such organization unaware of its predecessors. This cycle of forgetting appears in other contexts as well.
80. See generally, for example, Brian K. Obach, Labor and the Environmental Movement (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004).
81. Timothy J. Minchin, Forging a Common Bond: Labor and Environmental Activism during the BASF Lockout (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003).
82. Brian Mayer, Blue-Green Coalitions: Fighting for Safe Workplaces and Healthy Communities (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2009); Kenneth A. Gould, Tammy L. Lewis, and J. Timmons Roberts, “Blue-Green Coalitions: Constraints and Possibilities in the Post 9–11 Political Environment,” Journal of World-Systems Research 10, no. 1 (2004): 90–116; and Jackie Smith, “Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social Movements,” Mobilization 6, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–19.
83. Jeffrey Shantz, “Judi Bari and ‘the Feminization of Earth First!’: The Convergence of Class, Gender and Radical Environmentalism,” Feminist Review 70, no. 1 (2002): 105–122; and Alessandro Bonanno and Bill Blome, “The Environmental Movement and Labor in Global Capitalism: Lessons from the Case of the Headwaters Forest,” Agriculture and Human Values 18, no. 4 (2001): 365–381.
84. See, for example, Erik D. Kojola, Chenyang Xiao, and Aaron M. McCright, “Environmental Concern of Labor Union Members in the United States,” Sociological Quarterly 55, no. 1 (2014): 72–91.
85. Ryan Felton, “Flint Water Crisis Was ‘Environmental Injustice’, Governor’s Taskforce Finds,” Guardian, March 23, 2016; Laura Pulido, “Flint, Environmental Racism, and Racial Capitalism,” Capitalism Nature Socialism (2016): 1–16; and Kyle Powys Whyte, “The Dakota Access Pipeline, Environmental Injustice, and U.S. Colonialism,” Red Ink 19, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 154–169.
86. Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 6, 171–172.
87. See Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring, 117–124.
88. Kazis and Grossman, Fear at Work; Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring; Hurley, Environmental Inequalities; Dewey, “Working for the Environment”; Gordon, “Shell No!”; Montrie, “Expedient Environmentalism”; and Hal Rothman, “Conceptualizing the Real: Environmental History and American Studies,” American Quarterly 54, no. 3 (September 2002): 495.
89. See, for example, Loomis, Empire of Timber; Rector, “Environmental Justice at Work” (2014); Southern, “Changing Nature”; Derickson, “Surviving a ‘Carcinogen Rich Environment’”; Minchin, Forging a Common Bond; Fisher, Urban Green; Maher, Nature’s New Deal; Fine, “Workers and the Land in US History”; Gioielli, Environmental Activism; Blum, Love Canal Revisited; McGurty, Transforming Environmentalism; Lipin, Workers and the Wild; and Montrie, To Save the Land and People.
90. Environmental historians have, of course, intellectually problematized terms and concepts such as “wilderness” and “frontier.” The leading example likely remains William Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,” in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton, 1995), 69–90.
91. Two of Chad Montrie’s books represent a move in this direction. See Montrie, Making a Living; and Montrie, A People’s History.
92. See, for example, Dieter Schott, “Urban Environmental History: What Lessons Are There to Be Learnt?,” Boreal Environmental Research 9 (December 2004): 520; Martin V. Melosi, “The Place of the City in Environmental History,” Environmental History Review 17, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 1–23; and Maureen A. Flanagan, “Environmental Justice in the City: A Theme for Urban Environmental History,” Environmental History 5, no. 2 (April 2000): 159–164.
93. For a clear, helpful overview of environmental historians’ engagement with work and labor history, see Thomas G. Andrews, “Work, Nature, and History: A Single Question, that Once Moved Like Light,” in Oxford Handbook of Environmental History, ed. Andrew C. Isenberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 425–456.
94. For just one early example of the characterization of environmentalism as a bastion of middle-class privilege, sponsored by the conservative, anti-environmental Heritage Foundation, see William Tucker, “Environmentalism: The Newest Toryism,” Policy Review 14 (Fall 1980): 141–152.
95. Warren, The Hunter’s Game; Jacoby, Crimes against Nature; McKenzie, Clearing the Coastline; Judd, Common Lands, Common People; and Judd, “Grass-Roots Conservation in Eastern Coastal Maine.”
96. Payne, “Local Economic Stewards,” responding specifically to Karl Jacoby’s introduction of the term or concept “moral ecology” in Jacoby, Crimes against Nature, 3.
97. Robert Gioielli reflects on the problems of (de-)historicization of terms such as “environmentalism” and “environmental justice.” Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 6–7.
98. Scholars discussing urban and working-class environmental history sometimes point to such figures as (direct) evidence of working-class environmentalism. Colin Fisher notes the distinction. See Fisher, Urban Green, 129.
99. Robert Gioielli includes environmental justice within the broad outlines of postwar environmentalism but also distinguishes it from earlier urban environmentalism. Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 173.
100. See, for example, Robert D. Bullard, Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); and United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States: A National Report on the Racial and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Communities with Hazardous Waste Sites (New York: United Church of Christ, 1987).
101. Andrew Hurley, “Fiasco at Wagner Electric: Environmental Justice and Urban Geography in St. Louis,” Environmental History 2, no. 4 (October 1997): 460–481; and Rothman, “Conceptualizing the Real,” 495–496.
102. See, for example, Gioielli, Environmental Activism, 172; Laura Pulido, “Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 90, no. 1 (March 2000): 12–40; and Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice, 16–48. Activists may have a strong incentive to frame environmental justice in terms of race rather than class, because not only is race a more dramatic, attention-getting issue in American society than class, but racial discrimination is also legally actionable under US federal and state civil rights laws in a way that class discrimination generally is not.
103. See, within the Wayne State University Library System, the Walter P. Reuther Library of Labor and Urban Affairs (accessed January 31, 2019).
104. Penn State University Libraries, Special Collections: Featured Labor Collections (accessed January 31, 2019); Cornell University, Catherwood Library, Kheel Center (accessed January 31, 2019); University of Maryland University Libraries, George Meany Memorial AFL-CIO Archive (accessed January 31, 2019); and New York University Libraries, The Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives (accessed January 31, 2019).
105. West Virginia University, West Virginia and Regional History Center (accessed January 31, 2019).
106. Two examples (among probably many others) include the University of Colorado Boulder Libraries, Special Collections and Archives (accessed January 31, 2019); and San Francisco State University, J. Paul Leonard Library, Labor Archives and Research Center (accessed January 31, 2019).
107. See, for example, Wisconsin Historical Society, About Our Labor Collection (accessed January 31, 2019).
108. For some possibilities to try, see Oral History Association, Centers and Collections (accessed January 31, 2019).
109. National Archives and Records Administration (accessed January 31, 2019); Bates College, Edmund S. Muskie Archives and Special Collections Library (accessed January 31, 2019); Marshall University Libraries, Special Collections (accessed January 31, 2019) and Papers of Ken Hechler (accessed January 31, 2019).
110. Society of American Archivists, Labor Archives Section Directory: Labor Archives in the United States and Canada (accessed January 31, 2019).
